The Unfinished Peace: Why women’s inclusion is key to Tigray’s recovery

By Meaza Gebremedhin @meazaG_

Addis Abeba – As the world observes the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, we are reminded of the critical need to address not only the violence women endure but also the systemic structures that perpetuate their exclusion from leadership and decision-making. Nowhere is this more urgent than in Tigray, a region in northern Ethiopia ravaged by a brutal war that began in November 2020. Marked by widespread sexual violence as a weapon of war, this conflict has left over 120,000 women and girls as victims of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). 

While the November 2022 Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) between representatives of Tigray and the Ethiopian federal government ended active combat, peace remains elusive. Forty percent of Tigray remains under occupation, where women continue to face CRSV and other human rights violations. In liberated areas, women contend with gender-based violence (GBV) manifested through intimate partner violence (IPV), rape, killings, and kidnappings. Despite their demonstrated leadership during the war, Tigrayan women are systematically excluded from political and diplomatic spaces, denying them the opportunity to contribute meaningfully to their region’s recovery and future.

This exclusion is not only unjust but also a profound impediment to sustainable peace. Drawing from global lessons and feminist perspectives, this op-ed argues that intentional efforts to include women in political and diplomatic processes are essential to building lasting peace in Tigray.

Women’s Role During the War

Tigrayan women were not passive victims during the two-year war. They joined the armed resistance, mobilized grassroots communities, and galvanized global advocacy efforts. They were at the forefront of campaigns to avert the conflict, end the war, and seek justice for atrocities endured. These contributions demonstrated their resilience, ingenuity, and ability to lead under unimaginable circumstances.

Despite this, when the CoHA was signed, no women were included in the Tigrayan negotiating delegation—not due to lack of capable and qualified women, but because they were denied the opportunity to participate. Requests from women leaders and academicians to be included in these negotiations were ignored, reflecting the entrenched patriarchal norms that dominate Tigray’s political culture. 

The Interim Administration’s Gender Imbalance

Following the CoHA, an interim administration was established to govern Tigray and lay the groundwork for peace and political talks. This body, charged with stabilizing a war-torn region, includes only eight women out of 27 cabinet members. Even these women are relegated to roles with little substantive power. This token representation underscores the systemic exclusion of women from decision-making spaces, despite the fact that they make up half the population and have consistently proven their capacity to lead.

The Cost of Exclusion

The exclusion of women from political and diplomatic spaces in Tigray is not only a moral failing but a strategic blunder. Decades of research and global experience have shown that peace processes are more durable and effective when women are actively involved. A study by UN Women found that peace agreements are 35% more likely to last at least 15 years when women are included. Feminist scholar Carol Cohn has also emphasized that women bring unique perspectives to the table, ensuring that root causes of conflict are addressed and recovery efforts are comprehensive.

In Tigray, the failure to include women has had tangible consequences. CRSV, systematically weaponized during the war, has left deep scars, yet the absence of women’s voices means justice for survivors remains a low priority. Additionally, the structural reforms needed to combat GBV and address ongoing threats such as IPV, GBV, and the broader culture of impunity are largely absent from political discourse.

Lessons from Global Experience

Tigray is not alone in facing these challenges. Across the world, post-conflict societies have grappled with the exclusion of women from peacebuilding and governance. However, there are also powerful examples of how women’s inclusion can transform these processes.

In Liberia, women played a pivotal role in ending the country’s brutal civil war. The Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace movement, led by Leymah Gbowee, mobilized women across religious and ethnic divides to demand an end to the violence. Their persistence and advocacy were instrumental in bringing warring factions to the negotiating table, resulting in a peace agreement in 2003.

In Colombia, women’s participation in the peace process with FARC led to groundbreaking agreements on gender equality. Women negotiators and activists ensured that the final accord included provisions addressing sexual violence, land rights, and the needs of marginalized groups. These measures have been critical to Colombia’s ongoing recovery.

These examples demonstrate that women’s participation is not just about representation—it is about crafting solutions that are inclusive, equitable, and sustainable. Tigray must learn from these lessons and intentionally include women in its political and diplomatic spaces.

The Feminist Case for Women’s Inclusion

Feminist scholarship has long argued that the personal is political. Issues like CRSV, IPV, and GBV are not private matters but systemic problems that reflect broader power imbalances. Addressing these issues requires centering women’s experiences and leadership in political decision-making.

In Tigray, women’s exclusion from governance perpetuates patriarchal norms that devalue their contributions. It also denies the region the benefits of their leadership. Women are often deeply embedded in their communities, making them uniquely positioned to address the social and economic inequalities that fuel conflict. Their participation would not only strengthen community trust but also ensure that recovery efforts address the needs of all citizens.

As peacebuilding expert Johan Galtung reminds us, sustainable peace requires more than the absence of violence (“negative peace”); it requires justice, equity, and inclusion (“positive peace”). Women’s leadership is essential to achieving this vision.

Breaking the Cycle of Marginalization

To forge a path toward sustainable peace, several steps must be taken to break the cycle of women’s marginalization in Tigray:

1. Institutionalize Gender Parity: The interim administration and any future governance structures must ensure that women hold substantive roles in decision-making. Gender parity must be a foundational principle, not an afterthought.
2. Empower Women-Led Organizations: Women’s organizations in Tigray have been instrumental in advocating for justice and supporting their communities. These organizations must be resourced and empowered to lead recovery efforts.
3. Include Women in Peace Talks: Future political and peace negotiations must include women as equal participants. This requires a deliberate effort to dismantle the barriers that have historically excluded them.
4. Demand Accountability from International Actors: The international community must condition its support for Tigray on the meaningful inclusion of women in governance and peace processes.

Conclusion

The exclusion of women from political and diplomatic spaces in Tigray is a structural failure that jeopardizes the region’s recovery. Women in Tigray have shown extraordinary resilience and leadership, yet they remain marginalized in the spaces where decisions about their future are made. This must change.

As the 16 Days of Activism remind us, the fight for justice and equality is inseparable from the fight for sustainable peace. Tigray’s leaders, its people, and the international community must act with urgency to ensure that women are no longer sidelined. Women are not just survivors of the conflict—they are architects of its resolution. Their inclusion is not optional; it is indispensable to Tigray’s future. AS

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Meaza Gebremedhin is an intersectional human rights defender and practitioner based in DC with a BA in International Studies and an MS in International Relations. Prior to the onset of the Tigray war, she championed and pioneered transformative initiatives to advance gender equality in Tigray and beyond. During the war, she led global advocacy efforts to end the conflict and promote justice for survivors of atrocities. She is currently engaged in initiatives to ensure accountability and support comprehensive rehabilitation for affected communities, including women.