By Mohamed Olad
Addis Abeba – This article presents a detailed rebuttal to Mohamud A. Ahmed’s opinion piece, “Shadows of Power: Corruption, nepotism, and push for reform in Ethiopia’s Somali region,” which was published by Addis Standard recently. Recent critiques of the Somali Regional State, including allegations of corruption and nepotism, warrant thoughtful engagement.
Constructive criticism requires specificity: broad assertions such as “corruption is endemic” lack the granularity needed to drive accountability. To assess progress, it is essential to examine measurable outcomes—comparing past and present institutional frameworks, policies, and tangible reforms. For instance, how do current efforts toward equitable resource allocation and participatory governance compare to prior administrations? What benchmarks define success or failure in these areas?
Regarding claims of exclusionary practices, critiques should clarify their framework. For example, if a power-sharing model is criticized as akin to the “4.5 formula” used in Somalia, the analysis must distinguish between clan-based systems and policies designed to foster inclusivity across diverse constituencies. Evaluations of appointments or resource distribution should reference concrete examples and objective metrics rather than relying on generalizations.
Are specificity, evidence, or comparative analysis of where the region was and where it is now in terms of system and institution building not necessary when passing weighty judgments on serious matters? Is “corruption is endemic in the Somali region” an indictment of the society or a criticism of the leadership? For comparison, where is it not endemic? With whom is the region compared? What are the yardsticks used to arrive at such conclusions?
On nepotism, what Mohamud has dismissed as a 4.5 formula (clan-based power sharing in Somalia, which actually does not exist in the Somali region) can be a dig at the current administration’s attempt towards enhancing inclusivity in appointments, equitable resource allocation, and participatory governance.
It sounds like nostalgia for the days of Abdi Iley, when brazen clan-based favoritism and domination were the order of the day, to point out that injustice would have resulted in torture and death! Was it not only seven or eight years ago when the former president of the Somali region had nine of his cousins as bureau heads, and especially the most important portfolios? Which appointments are inequitable? Which policies are exclusionary? Was it not the case that government money used to be dished out in public to all kinds of individuals as part of entrenching a culture of political patronage? Is that the case today?
Historically, there have been instances where political patronage defined resource distribution and appointments, emphasizing the need for specificity when claiming inequity or exclusion in today’s governance. Observations suggest that some critiques may stem from a nostalgic perspective of a past regime, prompting questions about the fairness and basis of these judgments.
Effective discourse demands evidence. Allegations of misconduct gain traction when paired with documented cases, comparative data, or firsthand accounts. Without such substantiation, even well-intentioned critiques risk being dismissed as speculative. Similarly, historical context matters: reforms in the Somali region since 2018, including shifts toward transparency and institutional accountability, should be acknowledged as part of any balanced analysis.
Reforms in the Somali region since 2018, including shifts toward transparency and institutional accountability, should be acknowledged as part of any balanced analysis.”
On transparency and accountability, significant improvement has been observed in terms of procurement processes and financial management. Independent auditing, parliamentary oversight, party supervisions, and media scrutiny have all contributed positively to ensuring better service delivery and accountability. The days of the regional president determining who gets which contract in exchange for political loyalty and the use of regional microfinance to channel money to loyalists and corrupt army generals are gone. Bureaus announce tenders through media, and a procurement agency, established after the 2018 reforms, oversees the integrity of the processes.
In relative terms, political stability in the region has led to significant improvements across various sectors. Enhanced security has facilitated the trade and movement of goods and services, contributing to a booming private sector that thrives in areas such as services, agriculture, and industry. Remarkably, there are no political prisoners in the region, at least that I know of, indicating a tangible improvement in the human rights situation in the region.
Additionally, the pace of development has accelerated dramatically, with progress observed over a span of six years compared to the previous twenty-seven. Does that mean there are no gaps or issues that need addressing? The answer is an emphatic no!
A case in point is to further strengthen efforts that combat corruption and enhance transparency, particularly in procurement and financial management systems, to root out issues before they evolve into systemic problems that will hinder collective growth and prosperity in the region.
I believe the current administration of the Somali Regional State, like all governments, must remain open to scrutiny. Constructive criticism is vital for growth, but it must be rooted in transparency and good faith. Stakeholders—including commentators, media, and civil society—should focus on fostering dialogue that emphasizes solutions, comparative analysis, and collaborative problem-solving.
Progress in governance is rarely linear, but it thrives when debates center on verifiable achievements, challenges, and pathways to improvement. By elevating fact-based discourse and holding all voices to consistent standards of integrity, we can advance accountability without sacrificing nuance or civility. AS
Editor’s Note: Mohamed Olad is a former Somali Regional State official, journalist, and political analyst. He can be reached at [email protected]
