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In-depth: Returnees in North Western Tigray struggle to rebuild amid humanitarian crisis, confronting security challenges with little access to public services

In early July 2024, the first group of 1,500 internally displaced persons (IDPs) returned to the Tselemti district located in the North Western Zone of the Tigray region (Photo: Dimtsi Weyane)

By Molla Mitiku @MollaAyenew

Addis Abeba – The return of displaced people following the two-year Tigray war began in July 2024, sparking hopes of recovery for the war-ravaged region and nearly one million internally displaced persons (IDPs).

By September 2024, the United Nations (UN) reported that 56,000 individuals had been repatriated to their places of origin, with most resettled in Tigray’s North Western and Southern zones. Of these, 34,971 were resettled in three districts of the North Western Zone: Tselemti, Laelay Tselemti, and Mai Tsebri.

However, months after resettlement, many returnees in these districts are struggling to survive without the promised support from the government and humanitarian agencies. Deprived of essential aid and basic public services, such as health care and education, their hope for rebuilding their lives is fading rapidly.

In an interview with Addis Standard, returnees voiced their deep frustration over what they described as a “full-blown” humanitarian crisis, characterized by the imminent collapse of essential services such as healthcare and education. The erosion of fundamental rights, including freedom of movement, has further exacerbated their plight, jeopardizing the hopes and aspirations of communities.

A returnee, speaking on condition of anonymity, revealed that Tselemti, Laelay Tselemti, and Mai Tsebri districts are currently under distress.

“There is no healthcare, education, local administration, court, or security,” he stated. “People are living in fear and despair. At this moment, the suffering is far worse than what we endured during the war.”

He further noted that, despite months having passed since the start of the current academic year, no educational activities have commenced in the three districts, leaving the residents and returnees in a state of disarray.

Berhane Alemu, a teacher from Tselemti, offers a grim assessment of the current situation.

“As federal and regional governments focus on other pressing matters, the plight of Tselemti remains tragically neglected,” he observed. “The looming collapse of essential services, the erosion of fundamental human rights, and the lack of access to education and healthcare have created a multifaceted humanitarian crisis.”

Berhane emphasized that the worsening conditions in Tselemti could have dire implications for its residents.

“Education has already been suspended for this academic year. A key issue behind the suspension is the debate over the language of instruction, with Amhara and Tigray representatives divided on whether to adopt Amharic or Tigrinya,” he explained.

There is no healthcare, education, local administration, court, or security.”

A returnee in Tselemti

The dire situation in Tselemti has cast a dark shadow over the future of students like 21-year-old Kibrom Meressa.

Last year, Kibrom completed grade 10 and was promoted to grade 11, hopeful about continuing his education this year. However, that hope has turned into an unattainable dream for him and tens of thousands of others.

“If this closure continues, my hope of advancing my education will be jeopardized,” he emphasized.

In an interview with Addis Standard, Mebrat Legesse, Head of the Social Affairs Office in the North Western Zone of Tigray, revealed the primary reason behind the suspension of teaching and learning activities in the three districts.

“There was a disagreement over whether classes should be conducted in Amharic or Tigrinya. Residents insisted that their children be taught in Tigrinya, while representatives from the Amhara region advocated for instruction in Amharic. This dispute ultimately led to the suspension of education,” she explained.

According to Berhanu, local residents have requested assistance from the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) stationed in the area, but their appeals have met with limited response.

“As elders from both communities continue to disagree over the choice of instructional language, military leaders have stated that they require further guidance from the government,” he said.

Another teacher, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, provided further insight, stating, “The elders who formed a committee from both regions to address local issues are consumed by political disputes, which have halted the education system in the area.”

Mebrat also confirmed that community input was excluded from the decision-making process.

“The educational needs are overshadowed by political interests, negatively affecting nearly 45,000 school-aged children,” she disclosed. “Local residents have sought solutions from both regional and federal authorities, but there has been no effective response.”

Public service gaps deepen amid crisis

In addition to the ongoing educational crisis, residents of the Tselemti, Laelay Tselemti, and Mai Tsebri districts are grappling with severe disruptions to healthcare services, resulting in many facilities being understaffed and non-operational. Locals report that this situation has contributed to a deterioration in public health, particularly affecting vulnerable groups such as pregnant women, children, and the elderly.

Guesh Desale, a resident and coordinator for the rehabilitation of returnees in Mai Tsebri, noted that there is only one ambulance available in the district. According to him, residents are often required to pay up to 5,000 birr for fuel to reach the nearest health center.

“The healthcare system in the district is severely strained,” he explained. “With only one ambulance, patients frequently face exorbitant fuel costs to access medical facilities, leading to preventable deaths, especially among mothers who cannot receive timely maternal care.”

Mihret Alene, a nurse in Mai Tsebri, paints a grim picture, stating that maternal mortality rates have soared due to delayed or unavailable life-saving interventions, caused by critical shortages of essential medicines and outdated medical equipment.

“Our facilities lack even the most basic supplies, such as vaccines, maternal care kits, and treatments for common illnesses,” she told Addis Standard.

Mihret explained that before the conflict, drugs were efficiently sourced from Mekelle, Gondar, and other supply hubs. However, she said the collapse of a unified supply chain, coupled with the absence of functional procurement systems and accountability, has halted deliveries.

“The lack of administrative oversight and inter-regional cooperation has crippled health service delivery in these districts,” she further emphasized.

Guesh described the current healthcare situation in Tselemti as “dire.”

“Residents of Tselemti are struggling to access essential medical treatment and lack medicine, leaving them to suffer,” he stated, adding, “Many health facilities are either nonfunctional or understaffed, and basic health services such as vaccinations, maternal care, and treatment for common illnesses are unavailable.”

According to Guesh, rampant insecurity caused by armed groups engaging in nightly thefts has further exacerbated the crisis. “Although the ENDF is working to secure the area, its limited reach poses challenges, particularly in remote regions like Sekota and Jiba within Tselemti,” he said.

In early July 2024, approximately 5,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) returned to Northwestern Tigray as part of the third phase of the resettlement process (Photo: Dimtsi Weyane)

In August, Addis Standard published an in-depth article shedding light on the conditions faced by those returning to their devastated homes in the Tselemti district. The article highlighted the harrowing human suffering of the returnees, who have been deprived of basic necessities while bearing the overwhelming task of rebuilding their lives from the ruins.

In an interview with Addis Standard in July 2024, Tadele Mengistu, a member of the returnees’ committee overseeing the transportation of IDPs in Tselemti, revealed that the Amhara regional government-appointed administration, along with its associated security forces, vacated the area three days prior to the returnees’ arrival. “Currently, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) maintains control of the area,” he added.

Later that month, Lieutenant General Tadesse Werede, Vice President of Tigray’s interim administration, announced a tripartite agreement between the Tigray interim administration, the Amhara regional government, and the federal government. This agreement outlines a more efficient and secure return process for IDPs to Western Tigray.

According to Lieutenant General Tadesse, the agreement also mandates the dismantling of any armed groups not affiliated with the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and the withdrawal of the Amhara administration from these designated areas.

In recent months, however, there has been little discussion regarding the resumption of IDP returns or the provision of humanitarian assistance for returnees from officials of the Interim Administration of Tigray or senior members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

This silence stems from the political crisis unfolding in the region, driven by a rift within the TPLF between the faction led by veteran leader Debretsion Gebremichael (PhD) and Tigray Interim Administration President Getachew Reda, a divide that has been widening since its inception.

This internal split emerged following the TPLF’s 14th Congress, resulting in Debretsion’s faction removing Getachew and several other officials from their positions, claiming they “will no longer have the authority to lead, make decisions, or issue directives.”

In response, the interim administration led by Getachew accused Debretsion’s faction of attempting to “destabilize” the region through actions it described as a “coup d’état.” The interim administration warned that it would pursue legal action against Debretsion’s group for allegedly instigating “chaos and anarchy” in Tigray.

Stranded between hope, despair

While the political crisis continued to unfold in the region, residents and local officials have reported that thousands of returnees and residents continue to face significant challenges, including persistent insecurity and a lack of humanitarian aid.

“The humanitarian crisis has reached its worst point; there is no aid, no medication, no education, and no societal services—no local administration, no courts, and no police stations,” Guesh explained. “The people are compelled to live in the most dire conditions.”

Kidnappings and looting have become rampant, instilling fear and uncertainty among the population.”

Mebrat Legesse, Head of the Social Affairs Office in the North Western Zone of Tigray

According to Guesh, the absence of local administration has resulted in a lack of authority to manage resources, coordinate services, or ensure the protection of citizens.

“This has made the population vulnerable to exploitation, lawlessness, and further political manipulation by external forces, hindering essential economic activities,” he stated. “Agriculture, the backbone of the region’s economy, has been severely impacted, with farmers unable to cultivate their land due to insecurity.”

Since July 2024, close to 11,000 IDPs have returned to the Mai Tsebri district. “Of these IDPs, only 1,786 individuals received a meager 12 kilograms of wheat each, while the remainder were left empty-handed,” Guesh revealed.

The humanitarian crisis in Tselemti, Laelay Tselemti, and Mai Tsebri continued to escalate, with residents confronting numerous challenges, including a lack of access to justice. Guesh further emphasized that the absence of a local court system has left the population vulnerable to crime and injustice.

“Without legal recourse, victims of theft, assault, and other crimes are forced to seek justice on their own,” he added.

Mebrat shares a similar assessment of the situation.

“With no local administration in place, there is no authority to oversee services, enforce the rule of law, or provide direction for resolving the crisis, leaving the local population in a state of political and administrative limbo,” he emphasized, adding, “Civilians are exposed to risks of violence, looting, and exploitation by armed groups, creating a pervasive sense of fear and instability among the people.”

According to Mebrat, this situation has led to a security vacuum, allowing armed groups to operate with impunity. “Kidnappings and looting have become rampant, instilling fear and uncertainty among the population,” he explained. “Basic activities, such as withdrawing money from local banks, have become perilous due to threats from armed groups.”

Although banking is the only available service in these districts, Guesh noted that residents are too fearful to use it due to the high levels of insecurity. “Withdrawing money poses a significant risk, as individuals may be targeted for theft by armed groups,” he stated.

To highlight the security threat, Mebrat recalled the kidnapping of nine farmers earlier this month. “On December 14, 2024, nine farmers were kidnapped; fortunately, one managed to escape, while the other eight were taken to unknown locations by unidentified armed groups. These farmers have no involvement in politics,” Mebrat told Addis Standard, adding, “The security situation has reached alarming levels, with kidnappings becoming increasingly common.”

Both Mebrat and Guesh also emphasized that widespread human rights violations have subjected the entire population, particularly children and vulnerable groups, to immense suffering. They stressed that the ongoing crisis in the districts has resulted in significant human rights abuses, especially affecting children, women, and the elderly. AS

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